Sunday, 31 July 2016

سعودی عرب میں انجینیئر کی نوکری پر مزدوری

سعودی عرب میں جدہ سمیت دیگر شہروں سے اطلاعات ہیں کہ انڈین شہریوں کی ملازمتیں ختم ہو گئی ہیں اور وہ وہاں پھنس کر رہ گئے ہیں۔

اتوار کو انڈین وزیر خارجہ سشما سوراج نے ایک ٹویٹ کی کہ سعودی عرب میں تقریباً دس ہزار انڈین بھوکے رہ رہے ہیں۔

دلنواز پاشا نے سعودی عرب کے شہر دمام میں پھنسے ایک ہندوستانی گنیش شنمگم سے فون کے ذریعے رابطہ کیا۔
گنیش شنمگم نے بتایا ہے کہ ’جب میں نے ہندوستان میں رہتے ہوئے انجینیئرنگ پاس کی تو مجھے ایک بہتر نوکری کی امید تھی لیکن جب انڈین کمپنیوں میں اچھی نوکری نہیں ملی تو میں نے مشرق وسطیٰ کی کمپنیوں میں ملازمت تلاش کرنا شروع کیا۔‘
گنیش نے بتایا کہ ’میں نے چنئی میں ایک ایجنٹ سے رابطہ کیا جو عرب ممالک میں لوگوں کو نوکری دلواتے تھے۔ مجھے بتایا گیا کہ سعودی عرب کی ایک بڑی کمپنی میں انجینیئر کی نوکری ملے گی۔ بس میں اُن کے جھانسے میں آ گیا۔ اپنا گھر گروی ركھوا كر میں نے ایجنٹ کو تقریباً سوا لاکھ روپے ادا کیے اور 23 فروری 2016 کو سعودی عرب پہنچا۔‘
ان کا کہنا تھا کہ ’میرے خواب تب چکنا چور ہوگئے جب بتایا گیا کہ مجھے تعمیراتی کمپنی میں مزدور کا کام کرنا ہوگا۔‘
’مجھے بتایا گیا تھا کہ 2500 ریال (تقریباً 44 ہزار انڈین روپے) ملیں گے لیکن مجھے صرف 1300 (تقریباً 23 ہزار روپے) ہی مل رہے ہیں۔‘
انھوں نے بتایا کہ مزدوری کرتے ہوئے اُن کی ٹانگ میں چوٹ لگی لیکن وہ صحیح سے اپنا علاج بھی نہیں کروا سکے اور اب مزدوری کرتے ہوئے اُن کی ٹانگ میں بہت درد ہوتا ہے۔
گنیش نے بتایا کہ انھوں نے اپنے مسائل سے آگاہ کرنے کے لیے کئی بار وزیر خارجہ سشما سوراج کو ٹویٹ کی لیکن انھیں کوئی جواب نہیں ملا۔
اُن کا کہنا ہے کہ اُن کا پاسپورٹ اور دیگر ضروری کاغذات روزگار دینے والے شخص نے ضبط کر لیے ہیں۔
(جب بی بی سی نے گنیش کے مینیجر سے رابطہ کیا تو کوئی جواب موصول نہیں ہوا) گنیش کا مزید کہنا تھا کہ ’میرا کفیل کہتا ہے کہ اگر تمھیں اپنا پاسپورٹ اور کاغذات واپس چاہیے تو 15 ہزار ریال ادا کرنے ہوں گے۔ میں یہاں آنے کے لیے اپنا گھر گروی رکھ چکا ہوں۔ میرے ماں باپ مزدور ہیں، وہ اتنا پیسا کہاں سے لائیں گے؟ ‘
انھوں نے حکومت سے اپیل کی ہے کہ اُن کے پاس دستاویزات نہیں ہیں، اس لیے وہ انڈین سفارت خانے نہیں جا سکتے اور حکومت ان حالات میں اُن کی مدد کرے۔

High Alert 900kids have been kidnapped in Lahore

High Alert:900kids have been kidnapped in Lahore. A Gange consist of sixteen people have came from Gujranwala.They did kidnapped nearly 900 kids from Area like shadbagh, Gari shaho, Laal pul, Badami bagh etc. After every two days people have found the dead body of one child in badami bagh (Qabristan).They cutting off their body for getting their body organs to sell it for sake of money. Please spread this news and share so that people can avoid and report such criminal suspects immediately.... !Share n Spread it .

وطن کے دفاع کے لیے کسی قربانی سے دریغ نہیں کریں گے، سربراہ پاک فوج

چترال: پاک فوج کے سربراہ جنرل راحیل شریف کہتے ہیں کہ پاک فوج وطن کے دفاع کے لیےقربانی دینےسےدریغ نہیں کرے گی اور دہشت گردوں پر ملک کی زمین تنگ ہوچکی ہے۔
ایکسپریس نیوز کے مطابق شندور پولوفیسٹیول کی اختتامی تقریب سے خطاب کے دوران آرمی چیف نے کہا کہ وہ شندور میں باصلاحیت اورہونہارجوانوں کے درمیان آکر بہت خوش ہیں، شندورفیسٹول سیاحت کے فروغ کے لئے خوش آئند ہے، یہ میلہ ملک کے روشن مستقبل کی دلیل اورترقی وسلامتی کاترجمان ہے، یہ فیسٹیول دہشت گردوں کو پیغام ہےکہ ہم اپنی روایات بلاخوف جاری رکھیں گے۔ وہ اس میلے کے انعقاد پرمبارک باد پیش کرتے ہیں، ہماری کوشش ہوگی کہ علاقے کے نوجوانوں کو کھیلوں کے بہترمواقع فراہم کئے جائیں۔ دہشت گردوں پرملک کی زمین تنگ ہوچکی ہے، وہ دن دور نہیں جب ہمارا وطن تعمیر و ترقی کی پہچان بنے گا۔

آرمی چیف نے کہا کہ خوشی ہویا مصیبت، پاک فوج وطن کے دفاع کے لیےقربانی دینےسےدریغ نہیں کرے گی، انہیں اس بات کا احساس ہے کہ چترال اورگلگت کےلوگ کن مشکلات صورت حال سے دوچار ہیں، پاک فوج نے سیلاب متاثرین کی مدد کی ہے۔ سیلاب متاثرین کے لئے ریلیف کیمپ قائم کئے اور متاثرین کی امداد میں بڑھ چڑھ کا حصہ لیتے ہوئے زخمیوں کو اسپتال متنقل کیا، ایف ڈبلیواو نے 50 سے زائ دمقامات پر پلوں اور سڑکوں کی مرمت کی۔

Pak forces destroy Iranian training camp in Parachinar


Pak forces destroy Iranian training camp in Parachinar

When Pakistan and India went to war over Kashmir in 1999

Within weeks, the troop concentration along the LoC and the international border has increased manifold, and the naval fleets of the two countries have sailed out into the open seas to position themselves against each other. And as thousands of villagers living on the two sides of the border start to move out to safer areas, India and Pakistan once again appear to be at the brink of another more disastrous war.


This situation deteriorated further in recent weeks when the Indian administration, embarrassed at its army's failure to flush out the militants from Kargil and Dras, looked for a military solution to the conflict. The Indian government's snub to Pakistan's proposal for talks, and its refusal to hold any dialogue until the withdrawal of the "Islamabad-backed infiltrators" from Kargil, and Pakistan's categorical rejection of its direct involvement, has led to a new level of jingoism in India.

Although the Indian government did try to clarify that the American visit did not amount to third-party mediation, Delhi's frustration over the pro-longed conflict in Kargil had ultimately sucked it into accepting some kind of US role in this affair.
As more and more bodies of Indian soldiers from the conflict zone reach their respective towns, the most popular war cry in Delhi now is to "teach Pakistan another lesson." On the other hand, Pakistan's army chief, General Pervez Musharraf has made it absolutely clear that the Pakistani armed forces are fully prepared to counter any aggression.

Already, the so-called 'bus diplomacy', which only a couple of months ago had created a fresh atmosphere of optimism in the region, looks like a thing of the past. Now there is renewed talk on both sides of settling the outstanding dispute through military means. Yes, despite all the official denials from Delhi and Islamabad about the possibility of a direct engagement on the battlefield, a war between the two proud nuclear powers does look imminent.

Also read: In Kashmir, the young are paying for India’s lack of vision

As war clouds started to hover over the subcontinent, matters were made worse by the role of the media, particularly in India. Almost the entire battery of newspaper and satellite television networks in India appears to have fallen in line with the policy of the Indian ministry of external affairs and their military establishment, thus creating a tangible war-like atmosphere. There were statements, not only from politicians, but also journalists, wherein Pakistan was called a "rogue state", and demands were made to inflict "lasting punishment" on Pakistan.

Of course, the Pakistani media has also not lagged far behind. State-run television (PTV) and the right-wing conservative press continue to project these few hundred militants as the true liberators of Kashmir. The press has also kept up constant pressure on the government against any "peace deal". Some newspapers and analysts are now ridiculing the Indian army for its failure in Kargil, and are describing the present situation as "the most opportune time" to declare full-fledged war for the liberation of Kashmir.

These moves have been given further substance by statements and speeches made by members of the hard line Islamic parties. For instance, speakers at a rally in Rawalpindi, attended by several thousand supporters of the Pakistan-based militant group, Lashkar-e-Taiba, did not mince words in giving a warning to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif against pulling out of the conflict. And then there are the likes of the former ISI chief, Lt. General (retd.) Hamid Gul, who went to the extent of saying that any deal with Delhi at the cost of the militants offensive would amount to putting the last nail in the coffin of the present government. So, if anything was lacking in creating an atmosphere to start a greater conflict, the hawks amongst the politicians and the media on the two sides have done their bit to justify an all-out war.

As war clouds started to hover over the subcontinent, matters were made worse by the role of the media, particularly in India
With both sides locked in one of the worst conflicts since the 1971 war, it soon started to dawn on the international community that developments in South Asia were getting out of hand. When Pakistan downed two Indian combat aircraft which had crossed into its territory, and Delhi started to show signs of crossing the LoC in a counter-offensive, the international community responded with alarm and panic. The United States and other G-8 countries, despite their heavy involvement in the Kosovo crisis, were compelled to take time out and turn their attention towards the conflict in South Asia.



It did not take them long to realise that the possible escalation in the region could have catastrophic consequences. A resolution passed by G-8 leaders not only took notice of the long-standing dispute over Kashmir, it also expressed serious concern over the escalation in the Kargil region.

US President Bill Clinton went a step further and telephoned both the Indian and Pakistani prime ministers, asking them to show restraint. But both these developments signalled diplomatic setbacks for Pakistan. The G-8 and President Clinton clearly sided with the Indian version of cause and blame. In fact, President Clinton even asked the Pakistani prime minister to use his influence to withdraw the militants from Kargil — thus directly implying that Pakistan not only had the means to pull out these fighters but that it had in fact put them there in the first place.

The United States did not stop just there. Realising the seriousness of the Kargil conflict, which by all means had the potential of snow-balling into all-out war, Washington immediately rushed its senior most military commander in the region and a senior State Department official to Islamabad. General Anthony Zinni and the State Department official held extensive discussions with top Pakistani officials, including the prime minister and the army chief.

Although there were no positive statements from either side, the meetings did produce enough ground for the State Department official to undertake a trip to Delhi to hold talks with the Indian authorities. And although the Indian government did try to clarify that the visit did not amount to third-party mediation on Kashmir, Delhi's frustration over the prolonged conflict in Kargil had ultimately sucked it into a situation where it had been forced to accept some kind of US role in this affair.
However, even as a small conflict in a remote mountainous region has resulted in a situation where a bloody war between the two known South Asian adversaries looks like a reality, very little is known about the circumstances which led to this development. Amidst allegations and counter-allegations, and claims and counter-claims by Islamabad and Delhi, the truth about the events of Kargil remains shrouded in secrecy.

The Indian establishment has directly blamed Pakistan's armed forces for carrying out the present offensive, accusing the Light Infantry Battalion of being actively involved with the Pakistani and Afghan militants in Kargil. Pakistan's foreign office and military establishment still maintain they have no active role in the Kargil conflict. But, does this also mean that they were unaware of the militants' plans? There have also been strong suggestions in Delhi that perhaps Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was not even aware of the army's decision to launch this operation, and many Western diplomats in Islamabad tend to agree with this theory.

Also read: Military has some serious misgivings about India—Mahmud Durrani

Despite the repeated claims by India about the active presence of Pakistani troops in the Kargil mountains, so far very little concrete evidence has been produced to substantiate such allegations. However, the Pakistan-based leadership of the various militant groups have not missed any opportunity to embarrass Islamabad. Their attempts to boost the activities of their comrades in Kargil and reports of sending in reinforcements belie the government's claim about the indigenous nature of the present conflict.

If a former head of the ISI, Lt. General (retd) Javed Nasir is to be believed, the preparations for the Kargil operation started several months ago. The Kargil region has been traditionally used by the Kashmiri militants to enter the valley. However, this time the militants had more ambitious plans. They decided to move into the area and try to capture the strategically located mountains and ridges that overlook the Kargil-Srinagar road. The idea was to try and block the supply route for the Indian troops based at the Siachen glacier. Towards the end of last year, several hundred volunteers from four well-known militant groups began vigorous training sessions in mountainous areas to prepare themselves to brave rough, wintry conditions.

They were mainly from Tehrik-e-Jihad, an organisation that draws its cadres from Kashmir, Al-Badr, whose members include both Kashmiris and Pakistanis, Harkatul Mujahideen, which has in its fold a few Kashmiris but many Pakistanis and Afghans, and Lashkar-e-Taiba, whose members largely hail from Pakistan. Later on, when the conflict intensified in Kargil, two more groups, Hizbul Mujahideen and Harkat-e-Jihad, also joined to provide reinforcements. But according to a number of western diplomats, it is hard to believe that these militant groups could have launched such a major offensive without the active help and support of the Pakistan army.


By now, it has been established beyond doubt that this time the militants have completely shaken the entire Indian establishment. Many senior Indian journalists admit that the belligerency presently being witnessed in India is not only because the militants have badly bruised the Indian claim of being a mighty regional power; the sheer number of casualties from the present conflict have shaken the entire country. Television images beamed by Indian satellite net¬works, showing the arrival of the dead and wounded from the battle front, and the reactions from the family members and the local population capture the real mood of depression and anger in India.

A recent report by the French news agency AFP from Indian-held Kashmir gave a graphic account of the way the dead and wounded are being brought to Srinagar from the battle front, before being sent to Delhi. According to the report, the Indian Airline's flight from Srinagar to Delhi these days has turned into an air ambulance service. Almost every day, it carries to the Indian capital dead bodies and injured soldiers from the battle front in Kargil in greater numbers than normal passengers. The passenger seats in the air¬craft are often removed to accommodate stretchers carrying the wounded, and a special section of the Delhi airport has been designated to accommodate the coffins arriving from the battle zone.

A few journalists covering the Kargil conflict who managed to get on the flight describe the atmosphere on the flight as a true reflection of the events in Kargil. According to Abu Maaz, who is a sector commander of the Tehrik-e-Jihad in Kargil, even now several bodies of Indian soldiers are lying decomposing on the mountains, and Indian troops dare not lift them for fear of coming in the line of fire. Abu Maaz, who recently came to Skardu for reinforcements, told journalists the number of casualties on the Indian side have been much higher that what is being claimed by New Delhi.

Rough estimates indicate that the Indian army has lost more officers and men in these few weeks of fighting in Kargil than it lost in the last full-fledged war with Pakistan in 1971. And according to a senior Indian journalist, this time the bodies are going to some of the remotest towns and villages in India, thus creating a nation-wide mood of anger, and encouraging hawks to go for an all-out war against Pakistan.
However, the question being asked by many senior observers is that can either India or Pakistan afford to engage in a full-scale war, even if it is limited to the use of conventional forces? Some Western diplomats in Islamabad are of the view that, even if there is a war, it will be fought along the LoC, and will remain confined to Kashmir. But are there any guarantees that the losing side is not going to launch an offensive on the international border? In either case, the level of destruction on the two sides will be immense, and despite Indian claims of military superiority, there is little chance that India can win a war against Pakistan in a decisive manner.

A report titled "South Asian Military Balance", submitted by the US Deputy Secretary of Defence Bruce Riedel before the American Senate's foreign relations sub-committee last year, clearly stated that while India enjoys a numerical advantage over Pakistan in conventional military capability, it is most unlikely that it would score a decisive victory over Pakistan. Recently reproduced excerpts from the report suggest that the internal security problems faced by India in Kashmir and East Punjab may also hamper India's quantitative advantage over Pakistan.

While analysing comparative conventional forces in detail, the Riedel report argues that because of its more developed industrial capability and greater geographical expanse which provides strategic depth not available to the much smaller Pakistan, India could fight a longer war than Pakistan — thus a longer war would favour India. However, many analysts say that such a war would be a major blow to economic and social development in the two countries and may push them back to where they started more than 50 years ago.


But is there really a way to prevent the present conflict from snowballing into an all-out war? Many analysts and western diplomats believe the key to ending the present conflict lies with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

However, it mainly depends on what the government's real objectives, both strategic and diplomatic, are and the extent to which it wants to use the situation in Kargil to internationalise the Kashmir dispute. Some government leaders in favour of ending the present crisis believe the diplomatic advantage that Pakistan had in the initial stages of the conflict has gradually slipped away with the international community turning against Pakistan. This is precisely what the opposition leader, Aitzaz Ahsan, said in the Senate during the debate on the Kargil situation, and accused the government of isolating the country on the diplomatic front.

However, even if Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif wants to end the present impasse in an attempt to prevent a major escalation, his choices are quite limited, argue analysts. As things stand at the moment, the government is just one of the three elements in the entire conflict — the other two being the army and the militants and their parent political parties.

It is not clear how the army leadership will react if there is a serious proposal from Premier Sharif to try and end the present conflict by asking the militants to withdraw. There is another, equally important question: even if the militants' initial offensive was launched with the active support from this side of the LoC, is it possible to force them into withdrawal? Militant leaders, both in Muzaffarabad and Pakistan, say they are fully committed to the present phase of the Kashmir struggle, and their sacrifices in the present fighting make it incumbent upon them not to agree to any diplomatic settlement.

Even if the militants' initial offensive was launched with active support from this side of the LoC, is it possible to force them into withdrawal?
Those close to the prime minister say he is certainly aware of these complications, but this has not deterred his desire to use the process of dialogue to settle outstanding issues with India. Following the failure of his peace initiative, whereby foreign minister Sartaj Aziz was sent to Delhi for talks, Sharif now appears to be employing back-channel diplomacy to try and defuse the situation. Recently, former foreign secretary Niaz Naik was quietly sent to Delhi to hold talks with Indian leaders. During his brief stay, he met both Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh.

The visit was sup¬posed to be kept secret as apparently it was a serious attempt to try and find a way out of the current impasse without drawing any media attention. However, some Indian officials deliberately leaked it to the local press, thus prompting Islamabad to also leak the move by Delhi to send senior Indian journalist, Mishra along with a ministry of external affairs official, to meet Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

Senior analysts in Islamabad say it is not only domestic problems that are creating difficulties for Sharif in his search for an agreeable solution to the current crisis. The level of belligerency being displayed by Delhi is also being described as a major factor in preventing a real diplomatic break¬through. However, some Pakistani analysts and Western diplomats in Islamabad are convinced that, since the visit by the US military and State Department officials to the region, things appear to be moving in the right direction. If this optimism is not misplaced, it is quite possible that the war, which at the moment appears to be imminent, may eventually be averted through diplomacy.

Saturday, 30 July 2016

Whats happening in the most peaceful city of Pakistan ‎chitral‬.

Whats happening in the most peacefull city of pakistan ‪chitral‬.
The kehlash people remaining very few in world and they have very unique culture and tradition and becuase of them even in this unsecure circumstances tourist visit pakistan from all around the world.
I meet them before some months...they are very friendly people but these kind of bruital killing make them irritate from us and there behaviour changing with us and they feeling us there enemies and yesterday what happend so how we are responsible as we r failed to provide security to few hundred people and very small area where they live.
Today they even not burried there love ones in traditional way by beating drums and also not participating in shandoor festival and all return back in protest.
I request governemt that take the serious action and save the minority as this country os for everyone and everyone allowed to spend there lifes accoridng to there religion customs and traditions






لاہور تیری پرواز سے جلتا ہے زمانہ ...








مسائل سے دوچار پولیس کا احوال

کسی بھی شعبے سے وابستہ افراد سے ان کے شعبے سے متعلق پوچھا جائے تو کم و بیش ایک ہی قسم کا جواب سُننے کو ملتا ہے وہ یہ کہ
’’ارے میاں یہ سب سے بُرا اور سراسر گھاٹے کا سودا ہے‘‘۔
دور کیوں جائیں؟ شعبہ صحافت کو ہی لے لیجئے۔ یہاں کوئی صحافی کسی دوسرے شخص کو کبھی صحافی بننے کا مشورہ نہیں دیتا۔
لیکن دیگر شعبوں کے برعکس سیکورٹی اداروں کے معاملہ تھوڑا مختلف ہے۔ اگرچہ وہاں بھی کم تنخواہوں یا ڈیوٹی کی سختی کا مسئلہ ہے لیکن وہاں موجود لوگوں کے خاص جذبے کے وجہ یہ مسائل کوئی اہمیت ہی نہیں رکھتے۔ آج ہمارا مقصد 

محکمہ پولیس کے حوالے سے بات کرنا ہے۔
ہم میں اکثریت کا یہ ماننا ہے کہ یہ تو پورا ادارہ ہی کرپٹ ہے، یہاں کوئی اچھا کام ہوتا ہی نہیں، اور منفی خیالات کی ایک لمبی فہرست ہے جو ہم پولیس کے بارے میں سوچتے ہیں۔ لیکن سچ بتائیے کہ کیا کبھی آپ نے یہ کوشش کی کہ اِس ادارے میں موجود اہلکاروں کی کارکردگی اور اِن کی قربانیوں کا سنجیدگی سے جائزہ لیں؟ یہ وہ اہلکار ہے جو کم آمدنی ملنے کے باوجود بھی 12 گھنٹے سے زائد سڑکوں پر ڈیوٹیاں سرانجام دیتے ہیں۔ پھر چاہے شدید گرمی یا شدید سردی ہی کیوں نہ ہو، دہشتگردی کا خطرہ ہی کیوں نہ ہو۔
پولیس کا نام آتے ہی ذہن میں دو خیالات ضرور گردش کرتے ہیں۔ یعنی ’بے چاری پولیس‘ اور ’کرپٹ پولیس‘، اور سچ پوچھا جائے تو اِس شعبے میں بے چارگی کا عالم چھایا ہوا ہے۔ کیونکہ  پولیس اہلکار عید تہوار پر اپنے گھر والوں کو چھوڑ کر ہمارے سکون، آرام اور حفاظت کے لئے اپنے فرائض سر انجام دیتے ہیں۔ یہ حضرات اس اہم دن میں بھی مساجد و امام بارگاہ کے باہر لوگوں کی حفاظت مامور کھڑے نظر آتے ہیں، اور دوسری طرف ہم ہیں جو اُن کی خدمات کو سراہنے کے بجائے اُن کے عید ملنا بھی گوارا نہیں کرتے۔
کمال بات تو یہ ہے کہ دہشت گردی کے سبب ہزاروں جوان جان سے چلے گئے، لیکن اِن مشکل ترین حالات کے باوجود آج بھی پولیس اہلکاروں کے جذبے غیر متزلزل نہیں ہوئے اور تمام تر مشکلات کے باوجود یہ اب بھی ہماری حفاظت کے لیے کمر بستہ ہیں۔ جتنی تنخواہیں ہمارے پولیس اہلکاروں کو ملتی ہے، اتنی کمائی تو وہ کوئی اور کام کرکے باآسانی کرسکتے ہیں، لیکن جناب معاملہ صرف پیسہ کمانے کا ہرگز نہیں، بلکہ اگر آج بھی پولیس اہلکار مشکل ترین حالات میں بھی حفاظتی ذمہ داریاں ادا کررہے ہیں تو اُس کے پیچھے خاص جذبہ ہے جو ہر کسی کو حاصل نہیں ہوسکتا۔
یہ بھی بہرحال ایک حقیقت ہے کہ ہر ادارے میں صرف اچھے لوگ نہیں ہوتے، اور پولیس کا شعبہ بھی کچھ ایسا ہی ہے۔ یہاں بھی کچھ ایسی کالی بھیڑیں موجود ہیں جنہوں نے پورے شعبے کو نقصان پہنچایا ہے۔ اِس کی تازہ مثال حال ہی میں ہونے والی نیب کی کارروائی ہے جس کے تحت ایک سابق آئی جی سمیت 70 افسران و اہلکاروں کو ایک ارب چالیس کروڑ کی کرپشن کے الزام میں نامزد کیا تھا جبکہ دوسری طرف سندھ پولیس نے خود سپریم کورٹ کے روبرو 3400 سے زائد پولیس افسران و اہلکاروں کے جرائم میں ملوث ہونے کا اعترف کیا تھا۔ ان تمام اہلکاروں پر بھتہ خوری، زمینوں پر قبضے، گینگ وار کی حمایت اور مجرمانہ سرگرمیوں کی سرپرستی جیسے سنگین جرائم میں ملوث ہونے کے الزامات تھے مگر 2 ہزار اہلکاروں کے خلاف ثبوت نہ ہونے کی بناء پر ان کے خلاف کوئی کارروائی عمل میں نہیں لائی جاسکی جبکہ 1400 اہلکاروں کو معمولی سزائیں ہوئی۔
ایک دوسری رپورٹ جو سامنے آئی ہے اس کے مطابق 100 سے زائد پولیس افسران و اہلکاروں پر مشتمل ایک گروہ ہے جو اغوا برائے تاوان میں ملوث ہے۔ یہ گروہ خوشحال اور امیر گھرانوں کے نوجوانوں کو کسی نہ کسی بہانے گرفتار کرکے بڑی رقم کا مطالبہ کرتے ہیں۔ایسے جرائم کی بڑی وجہ پولیس محکمے میں موجود وہ اعلی افسران ہیں جو نئے جوانوں کی بھرتی پر بھاری بھرکم رشوت وصول کرتے ہیں۔ اب ظاہر ہے بھاری پیسوں سے خریدی گئی نوکری یا مخصوص پوسٹ والے اہلکار کی دلچسپی امن و امان قائم کرنے کی بجائے رشوت میں دی گئی رقم کو بھرپور کرپشن کے ذریعے پوری کرنے میں لگی ہوتی ہے۔
لیکن یہ سب حقائق بیان کرنے کا مقصد یہ ہے کہ اِس حقیقت کو ماننے سے بہرحال ہمیں انکار نہیں کرنا چاہیے کہ پولیس ڈیپارٹمنٹ میں کرپٹ لوگ ہیں، وہاں کرپشن ہوتی ہے، لیکن اِن کی تعداد انتہائی کم ہے۔ اگر پورا ادارہ کرپٹ ہوتا تو ہمیں اندازہ بھی نہیں کہ معاملہ کس قدر خراب ہوتا۔ آج بھی آپ کو سڑکوں پر ایسے اہلکار ملیں گے جو رشوت لینے سے انکار کردیتے ہیں، جو مشکل کے وقت آپ کی مدد کرنے کو تیار ہوتے ہیں۔
ہماری پولیس کے حوالے سے ایک اہم نقطہ یہ بھی ہے کہ بین الاقوامی پولیس قانون کے مطابق 450 شہریوں کیلئے ایک پولیس اہلکار درکار ہوتا ہے، لیکن دو کروڑ سے زائد آبادی کے اس شہر میں صرف 26,647 پولیس اہلکار کی تعداد سامنے آئی ہے، اِس سے بھی حیران کن امر یہ ہے کہ عوامی سیکورٹی کے لیے صرف 14,433 اہلکار دستیاب ہیں جس کی بنیادی وجہ وی آئی پی سیکورٹی ہے۔ اب ان 14,433 اہلکاروں کو دو شفٹوں میں تقسیم کیا جاتا ہے، یعنی ایک وقت میں دو کروڑ لوگوں کیلئے 7,216 پولیس اہلکار ڈیوٹی دے رہے ہوتے ہیں۔ اِس پوری صورتحال میں یہ بات سامنے آتی ہے کہ شہر قائد میں 2771.6 شہریوں کے لیے صرف ایک پولیس اہلکار تعینات ہے۔ ایسی صورت میں ہم کیسے سمجھ سکتے ہیں یہ بیچارے تمام شہریوں کو مکمل سیکورٹی فراہم کرنے میں کامیاب ہوجائیں گے؟
اِس لیے نئے وزیراعلی مراد علی شاہ کی آمد کے بعد ہم نہ صرف اُمید کرتے ہیں بلکہ مطالبہ بھی کرتے ہیں کہ وہ پولیس کے لیے خاص اقدامات کریں۔ ان کے لیے اصلاحات بھی کریں، ان کی تنخواہوں میں اضافے کے ساتھ ساتھ اُن کی تربیت کا آغاز بھی کریں اور سب سے اہم بات یہ کہ یہاں سے سیاسی بھرتیوں اور مداخلت کا خاتمہ کریں۔ اگر یہ کام ہوگیا تو پورا یقین ہے کہ پولیس کے حوالے سے لوگوں میں منفی خیالات بتدریج ختم ہوجائیں گے۔

بھارتی فلم ’’ڈشوم‘‘ کی پاکستان میں نمائش پر پابندی عائد

 بالی ووڈ اسٹار جان ابراہم اور نوجوان اداکار ورن جنید دھون کی فلم ’’ڈشوم‘‘ کی پاکستان میں نمائش پر پابندی عائد کردی گئی ہے۔
پاکستان سنسر بورڈ کے مطابق  بھارتی فلم ’’ڈشوم‘‘میں پاکستان کے حوالے سے منفی پروپیگنڈا اورغلط تاثر دیا گیا ہے جس کی بنیاد پر فلم کو سرٹیفکیٹ نہیں دیا جاسکتا  اور اسے کسی صورت پاکستان میں نمائش کی اجازت نہیں دی جاسکتی۔
پاکستان کے بعد بعض خلیجی ممالک نے بھی فلم کو نمائش کے لیے سرٹیفکیٹ جاری کرنے سے انکار کردیا ہے جس کے بعد 
فلم کو کئی ممالک میں بھی نمائش  کے حوالے سے  پابندی کا سامنا ہے۔
دوسری جانب فلم میں مرکزی کردار ادا کرنے والے نوجوان اداکار ورن دھون نے فلم کی پاکستان میں نمائش پرپابندی پر پریشانی کا اظہارکیا ہے۔ سماجی رابطے کی ویب سائٹ ٹوئٹر پراداکار کا کہنا تھا کہ فلم کی پاکستان میں نمائش پر پابندی سے پریشان ہوں اور فلم  پر پابندی غلط فیصلہ ہے کیوں کہ فلم میں کسی بھی ملک کے حوالے سے منفی تاثر نہیں دیا گیا۔

Cooling down Kashmir

ONE wonders why the Indian army, with nearly 600,000 soldiers and paramilitary personnel, saw 22-year-old Burhan Wani and his Kashmiri lads as a terrible threat needing elimination. Surely these were not the monsters that murdered dozens at the Victoria Terminus and then scoured the rooms of the Taj looking for Hindus and Jews to shoot. They were not crazed religious extremists, nor on Pakistan’s payroll. Instead these angry rebellious youth were drawn by romance and bravado into their war against Indian occupation. They had a few guns but their real weapons were Facebook images.


That Wani was hunted down, and killed instead of captured, was bad enough. But the use of pellet guns to blind and maim hundreds of protesters at his funeral — no less than 200,000 — is downright criminal. Wani’s killing was also a clear slap in the face for India’s Supreme Court which, on July 8, had curtailed the immunity enjoyed thus far by the Indian armed forces. Specifically, its ruling declared that every armed person in a disturbed area, including Kashmir, may not be necessarily considered an enemy but, even if he turns out to be an enemy, excessive use of force is still not legally permitted.

Having chosen to create another dead hero for Kashmiri independence, India must once again deal with a rebellion that threatens to go viral. Reports say that protesters chanted ‘Tum kitne Burhan marogay? Har ghar se Burhan niklega’ (How many Burhans will you kill? A Burhan will emerge from every home). Wani’s killing may well have set into motion an action-reaction cycle that could take Kashmir back to the carnage of 1987. Set off by protests against the rigging of Kashmiri elections by far-off Delhi, India’s massive over-reaction had sparked off an insurgency that lasted into the early 2000s and resulted in the deaths of nearly 90,000 civilians, militants, police, and soldiers.

The indigenisation of the Kashmir movement suggests a new path for Pakistan.
Those horrible times must never be forgotten. Nor, of course, must we forget that Pakistan had then hijacked an indigenous uprising. The crimes committed by Indian security forces were eventually eclipsed by those committed by Pakistan-based mujahideen. The massacres of Kashmiri Pandits, targeting of civilians accused of collaborating with India, killings of Kashmiri political leaders, destruction of cinema houses and liquor shops, forcing of women into the veil, and revival of Shia-Sunni disputes, severely undermined the legitimacy of the Kashmiri freedom movement and deprived it of its most potent weapon — the moral high ground.

Pakistani strategists of the time believed that secret support for the Kashmiri mujahideen would be a low-cost option to end a military stalemate. But this botched thinking led to major diplomatic defeats. In this age of television cameras and instant communication, Pakistan’s denials of aiding and arming militants carried no weight. As a result, international support for Pakistan’s position sharply declined. In the UN, the Kashmir dispute is today on the back burner. Even at the level of passing resolutions, Muslim countries and the OIC have been lukewarm. More significantly, China is extremely wary of liberating Kashmir through jihad.

But, this time around, things are actually different. Although the initiative has once again come from the Kashmiris themselves, there is little that Pakistan can do to help them. This may not be what some in Pakistan’s military want, but the choice is almost not there. A fence now runs the entire length of the Pak-India border and hi-tech surveillance and night-vision equipment has made infiltration difficult and dangerous.

The indigenisation of the Kashmir movement, increased difficulty of penetration, and the grave domestic and international political costs of using proxies suggests a new path for Pakistan. It can make a virtue out of necessity by cracking down upon Kashmir-oriented militant groups still operating from its soil. Such groups have turned out to be a menace to Pakistan’s society and armed forces, apart from taking legitimacy away from those fighting Indian rule.

No one sees the Kashmir dispute having a solution in the foreseeable future. Everything has been tried: war, repression, elections, and inducements. The only question at present is how to prevent a bad situation from spiralling out of control. Lest thousands more die, it is now time for calm thinking, letting passions subside and moving ahead. Rather than look for ultimate solutions now, the present needs to be managed.

Reflecting the viewpoint of Indian liberals, the respected Indian journalist Prem Shankar Jha has three eminently sensible suggestions: The first step, that Indian security forces declare a unilateral cease-fire, delete the Indian police’s history sheets and give all those on them a respite from fear. The second, to fully support chief minister Mehbooba Mufti in her efforts to heal the wounds inflicted on the wounded Kashmiri psyche. Thirdly, equip the police with suitable technology to deal with stone pelters and others without the use of lethal force.

Jha’s point of view may have few takers in Modi’s India. But thoughtful Indians must ask why their country should care. Surely, if India considers Kashmiris to be its citizens then it must treat them as such, not as traitors deserving bullets. Else it should hand Kashmir over to Kashmiris — or Pakistan. Indeed, its efforts to create a secular state and have religious harmony — and to become the third biggest economy in the world by 2050 — could all come to naught if Pakistan and India relations boil over.

Pakistan and India cannot afford the next decade to look like previous ones. Their conflict is like a cancerous growth, a malignant organism growing unchecked. The current gloomy situation offers just the slightest sliver of hope: the absence of a substantive Pakistani role in this new uprising. This could be seized upon to break the impasse in Pak-India relations. Instead of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif lamely repeating “Kashmir banega Pakistan” — and Sushma Swaraj angrily retorting that this will never happen — the two countries should seek dialogue, not confrontation. Pakistan’s proxies led to India looking for proxies in Pakistan, which Pakistan now complains about. Both ways, this interference must stop.

Brother kills two sisters for 'honour' in Vehari for marrying outside caste

 A man in Vehari district allegedly killed his two sisters in the name of "honour" for marrying the persons of their choice, police sources told Dawn on Saturday.

"Nasir Hussain killed his two sisters, Ghazala and Kausar for marrying outside their caste and later fled the area," said Station House Office (SHO) Mitro police station Mehar Riaz.

The police officer said that the victims' father Atta Muhammad Bhatti registered a First Information Report (FIR) in Mitro police station against his son Nasir Hussain for killing Ghazala, 22, and Kausar, 20, days before their formal wedding ceremony.

“The brother shot dead both the sisters yesterday and fled the site,” the officer said, adding that a search was underway. “It is a simple case of killing for honour.”


“He ruined my family, he destroyed us, he destroyed everything” Mohammad said.

The perpetrators of so-called honour killings — in which the victim, normally a woman, is killed by a relative — often walk free because they can seek forgiveness for the crime from another family member.

The killing comes weeks after popular social media celebrity Qandeel Baloch was killed in Multan for 'honour', sending shock waves across the country, prompting widespread criticism of so-called honour killings.

Women rights activist and politicians called for renewed efforts to curb the menace that has plagued the country for decades.

حکومت کا پیٹرولیم مصنوعات کی قیمتیں برقرار رکھنے کا اعلان

اسلام آباد: وفاقی وزیرخزانہ اسحاق ڈار نے آئندہ ماہ کے لیے پیٹرولیم مصنوعات کی قیمتوں میں اضافہ نہ کرتے ہوئے انہیں برقرار رکھنے کا اعلان کیا ہے۔
اسلام آباد میں میڈیا سے بات کرتے ہوئے وزیرخزانہ اسحاق ڈار نے پیٹرولیم مصنوعات کی قیمتیں برقرار رکھنے کا اعلان کیا۔ اسحاق ڈار نے کہا کہ وزیراعظم نے پیٹرولیم مصنوعات کی قیمتیں نہ بڑھانے کا حکم دیا جس کے بعد اوگرا کی پیٹرولیم مصنوعات میں اضافے کی سمری مستردکردی گئی اور موجودہ قیمتیں 31 اگست 2016 تک برقرار رہیں گی۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ہماری پیٹرولیم مصنوعات کی قیمتیں خطے میں سب سے کم ہیں جب کہ پیٹرولیم مصنوعات پرعائد ٹیکسوں میں بھی کمی
کردی ہے۔
وزیرخزانہ کا کہنا تھا کہ پیٹرولیم مصنوعات کی قیمتیں نہ بڑھانے سے وزارت خزانہ کو 2 ارب روپے کا نقصان برداشت کرنا پڑے گا جب کہ حکومت پٹرول پر 9 روپے 34 پیسے ٹیکس لے رہی ہے۔
واضح رہے اوگرا نے یکم اگست سے پیٹرولیم مصنوعات کی قیمتوں میں اضافے کی سمری وزارت پیٹرولیم کو ارسال کی تھی۔

The cybercrime bill could be a nightmare for Internet users

Now that the controversial Prevention of Electronic Crimes Bill has been passed by the Senate, Dawn spoke to Haroon Baloch, a journalist and researcher at Bytes for All, on what happens next, and what – if anything – remains unaddressed by the bill. Bytes for All is one of several NGOs that have been involved in consultations on the PECB, and previously took the government to court on the Youtube ban.


Q: The Senate on Friday passed the PECB – what happens now?

A: The Senate worked on some amendments and then cleared them. Now this bill, with all the amendments, will go back to the National Assembly which will have to OK the bill after which it will be in effect.

If the National Assembly does not agree with certain things that Senate introduced to the bill, it may lapse there. If this happens, the bill will go to the joint session where the government will have the majority to get it passed in any shape it wants.

We do not have access to the new amendments that opposition members worked on on [Friday] morning. But we have heard unofficially that they have introduced a couple of safeguards on certain sections, like section 34, where they have added that if the [Pakistan Telecommunication Authority] censors certain content on the grounds of the restrictions given in Article 19, the court can be consulted within 30 days on the decision of the authority. The safeguards are welcomed, but we are not satisfied.

The Senate [Standing Committee on IT] has also introduced a clause on hate speech which was not previously part of the bill. The way this clause has been drafted is very vague and its scope is very wide. It will be difficult to determine what the qualification of hate speech is under this clause. It is important to properly define hate speech when discussing sensitive issues, particularly in the context of freedom of expression and global standards.

Q: What kind of implementation and oversight mechanisms does the PECB outline?

A: Mechanisms for implementation are missing from this bill. The authority has to frame rules after this becomes law. It is a vague thing; there is no mechanism for the working of the authority, so they have to chalk out these rules. It may take them two, three or four years to do this. Again, this is a very grey area.

So when this bill was passed by the National Assembly, oversight mechanisms were missing. In Article 19, which is replicated in section 34, the authority to interpret the Constitution lies with the high courts, but previously all these powers were given to the PTA, which was to decide on what content they would like to go on websites or blogs.

But this interpretation – when it comes to the restrictions in Article 19, such as the glory of Islam or friendly relations of state – is always the authority of the courts.

Now, we have learned from sources that the proposed amendments have introduced parliamentary and judicial oversight, but this is not confirmed.

Q: How aware are average Internet users of what the PECB means for them?

A: I don’t think people are well aware of what this bill means for them. But again, it is difficult to answer without the amendments in front of me. [The bill could be] a nightmare for the average users, but they are ignorant of this.

Q: What remains unaddressed in the bill?

A: All aspects have been covered as far as electronic crimes are concerned and the bill goes beyond the ambit of electronic crimes since they have introduced clauses on cyberterrorism, which is not the subject of the bill. Cyberterrorism is not a crime, it is terrorism. Hate speech is also discussed under the cyberterrorism clause.

We have concerns about [journalist and whistleblower] protection and to my knowledge, they did not touched on the subject of uncovering sources and threatening the work of whistleblowers on Friday morning.

Sections 3,4,5,6,7 and 8 directly affect the security of whistleblowers and sources and the work of journalists, media, human rights defenders, academia and researchers, who get information via sources, will be difficult.

That there are no safeguards or protection for journalists or whistleblowers is very concerning and the committee and opposition members have not considered our recommendations on this matter.

Friday, 29 July 2016

You could get fined over half a million dollars for using a VPN in the UAE

United Arab Emirates (UAE) President Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan has introduced an amendment to a law restricting the use of Virtual Private Networks (VPN) and proxies, with jail time and fines of over $500,000 applicable to those who violate the rules, IB Times reported.


President Khalifa issued an amendment to an existing law governing information technology crimes in the country which proposes:

"Whoever uses a fraudulent computer network protocol address (IP address) by using a false address or a third-party address by any other means for the purpose of committing a crime or preventing its discovery, shall be punished by temporary imprisonment and a fine of no less than Dh500,000 and not exceeding Dh2,000,000, or either of these two penalties."

Under the amended law, the use of VPNs ─ tools that can be used to manipulate user IP addresses ─ may punish Internet users attempting to access pornographic content, the dark web and VoIP software and apps such as Skype, Viber and WhatsApp, which are blocked in the UAE, according to Private Internet Access, a Califonia-based privacy and VPN advocate.

VPNs enable users to bypass restrictions on blocked content by generating fake IP addresses or spoofing user locations. They can be used to circumvent state-imposed censorship on online resources and mobile apps.

Who removes Kashmir posts on Facebook?

The debate on Facebook’s controversial moderating policies and processes hit Pakistan this month when actor Hamza Ali Abbasi’s public page was suspended for three days following posts on the Kashmir protests and the killing of militant commander Burhan Wani.

Since then, it has been widely reported how Facebook’s policies have effectively censored thousands of users who expressed their opinions on the decades-old conflict plaguing Kashmir.

In a statement to The Guardian regarding Kashmir, the social-media giant said:

“There is no place on Facebook for content that praises or supports terrorists, terrorist organisations or terrorism. We welcome discussion on these subjects but any terrorist content has to be clearly put in context which condemns these organisations and or their violent activities. Therefore, profiles and content supporting or praising Hizbul Mujahideen and Burhan Wani are removed as soon as they are reported to us. In this instance, some content was removed in error, but this has now been restored.”

It isn't all automated
Content on Facebook is filtered by a combination of human moderation and automated removal.

The automated process only detects and flags content that may need moderation. If posted content falls into categories that are explicitly banned in Facebook's community policy, they are removed.

An example is the recent footage of child detainees being tortured in Australia. Facebook stated that a video violated their policy on child nudity by showing the bare back of a minor, which is why it had to be taken down.



“We look at a how a specific person shared a specific post or word or photo to Facebook.”


The policy on graphic content is that Facebook does not allow and will take down content depicting violence if it’s celebrated, glorified or mocks the victim. However, violent content that is graphic or disturbing is not a violation if it’s posted to bring attention to the violence or condemn it. Essentially, if someone posts a graphically violent video saying “this is great, so and so got what was coming to them,” it will be removed, but if they say “This is terrible, these things need to stop,” it can remain visible.”

Whatever the case, the process of moderation seems to be labour intensive and Facebook is not always able to rein in the mass amount of content that is posted.

Context is also important when it comes to posts related to terrorism, as a Facebook spokesman in India tells The Washington Post, saying discussion is welcome but condemnation is key.

“Our Community Standards prohibit content that praises or supports terrorists, terrorist organizations or terrorism, and we remove it as soon as we’re made aware of it.”

“We welcome discussion on these subjects but any terrorist content has to be clearly put in a context which condemns these organisations or their violent activities.”

Moderation isn't always done by Facebook employees
Facebook and other social media giants outsource much of the work to firms in places like the Philippines.

These curators ─ often young university students ─ are not direct employees of Facebook.

Ultimately, sites are subject to the laws of the country they operate in, forcing them to take action at governments’ behest.

In January, Facebook solicited the services of a German company following outrage from the German government over anti- foreigner comments on the portal. A hundred moderators were hired to filter the high volume of content that was deemed bullying and racist in the wake of the 2015 influx of refugees in Europe.

It's not just Kashmir
Criticism of Facebook’s content policies and sanctioning of posts on the network is not new.

Activists and protesters posting about the conflict in Palestine or those behind the ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement in the United States are no strangers to the fact that posting with a certain point of view can have repercussions ─ including arrest.

Just this month, the Public Security Minister of Israel, Gilad Erdan, called Facebook a “monster”, blaming the website’s inability to police content it deemed hateful.

The Israeli government blamed Facebook for street attacks by Palestinians which it claimed were being incited through online posts.

However, Facebook has also carried out what can be called positive discrimination.

Mark Zuckerberg launched an investigation this year after it was revealed editors avoided content that had a conservative bent on ‘Black Lives Matter’, giving the subject greater prominence in the network’s ‘Trending Topics’.

In conclusion: it is a combination of Facebook’s algorithms, its moderators half a world away with limited context or knowledge of the conflict and the sheer volume of content ─ as well as of those reporting it ─ determining what is allowed to stay put.

A prime case, perhaps, of a chain of command following orders missing the forest for the trees.

Senate approves controversial cybercrime bill

The Senate on Friday approved the controversial cybercrime bill — ‘The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act’ — recommending 50 amendments to the original draft.

The bill will now go back to the National Assembly where the proposed amendments will be discussed among members.

Some of the major amendments include:
Convicts under the bill will have 30 days to appeal the sentence in a high court.

The implementation of the law will be reviewed by relevant authorities twice in a year to weed out problems.

Pemra licencees, including TV and radio stations, do not fall under the ambit of this law.

State Minister for Information Technology Anusha Rehman said on the occasion that the implementation of the cybercrime bill is the sole responsibility of the Interior Ministry.

Elaborating further, she said: "The law includes a total of 21 offences that can be imposed from activity on the Internet."

She went on to say that the government has put in all efforts to ensure that government agencies and officials are not able to misuse the law.

The bill, which has been widely criticised by the IT industry and members of civil society for curbing human rights and giving extraordinary powers to law enforcement agencies, was first passed by the NA standing committee on Information Technology (IT) in 2015, while it was approved by the lower house of the parliament on April 13 this year.

Salient features of the earlier bill:
Up to seven years imprisonment, Rs10 million fine or both for hate speech, or trying to create disputes and spread hatred on the basis of religion or sectarianism

Up to three years imprisonment and Rs0.5 million fine or both for cheating others through internet

Up to five year imprisonment, Rs5 million fine or both for transferring or copying of sensitive basic information

Up to seven years imprisonment and Rs0.5 million fine or both for uploading obscene photos of children

Up to Rs50 thousand fine for sending messages irritating to others or for marketing purposes. If the crime is repeated, the punishment would be three months imprisonment and a fine of up to Rs1 million

Up to three year imprisonment and a fine of up to Rs0.5 million for creating a website for negative purposes

Up to one year imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs1 million for forcing an individual for immoral activity, or publishing an individual’s picture without consent, sending obscene messages or unnecessary cyber interference

Up to seven year imprisonment, a fine of Rs10 million or both for interfering in sensitive data information systems

Three month imprisonment or a Rs50 thousand fine or both for accessing unauthorised data

Three year imprisonment and a fine of up to Rs5 million for obtaining information about an individual’s identification, selling the information or retaining it with self

Up to three year imprisonment and a fine of up to Rs0.5 million for issuing a SIM card in an unauthorised manner

Up to three year imprisonment and fine of up to Rs1 million rupees for making changes in a wireless set or a cell phone

Up to three year imprisonment and a fine of up to Rs1 million for spreading misinformation about an individual

Up to three years imprisonment and fine of up to Rs1 million for misusing internet

Punjab police told to keep an eye on JuD fundraising activities

The Punjab Home Department on Wednesday directed Punjab police to take strict action against activists of Jamaat-ud-Dawa Pakistan (JuD), an organisation which is on the UN watch list and is accused by India of being involved in the 2008 Mumbai attacks.


It is headed by Hafiz Mohammad Saeed, who has been engaged in fundraising throughout the country via the organisation’s charity wing Falah-e-Insayat Foundation (FIF).

In its directions issued to the additional inspector general of police operations Punjab and to divisional police chiefs across the province, the home department has asked for details of fundraising by JuD and other proscribed organisations as the activity is against the law.

According to the directive, JuD is making efforts to collect funds through fitrana, zakat and sadkaats. It said that members of the organisations were more active during Ramazan and distributed pamphlets, put up posters at various locations in Matiari Sindh, inviting people to give them their charity money.


The Madressah Umar Bin Khatab (RA) in new Saeedabad and Falah Markaz in New Hala, Matori have been designated as donation points for the fundraising.

A senior police official told Dawn that the action was based on reports from intelligence agencies who watched proscribed organisations. He said the step should have been taken earlier and that the provincial government had been reluctant to take direct action against religious parties without concrete reason.

“Though the international community put JuD under observation after the rumours spread by India, JuD’s charity organisation FIF was involved in a lot of welfare work in Azad Jammu and Kashmir and the northern areas after the 2005 earthquake and the government gave it [leeway] for their work in the past,” he said.

However, he said, the government had realised that the charity organisation was not the real face of the outfit and had decided to look into how it spent the donations it collected from people in the name of charity.

Rawalpindi Regional Police Officer Mohammad Wisal Fakhar Sultan Raja and other senior officers were reluctant to talk on the issue.

“The instructions did come through and the police implemented the government’s directions,” was all RPO Raja said on the matter.

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